Tag Archives: bourgeoisie

An Analysis of the American Service Economy

10 Feb

Over the course of recent decades, a theory had been presented over and over in the bourgeois press. This theory is known as a “service-based economy.” On the face of it, this theory seems plausible. Like most bourgeois economic theories, it is idealistic in nature and ignores a key factor in economics. There are two types of labor—labor that produces wealth and labor that consumes wealth. This is not to be confused with value; all labor, regardless of whether it extractive, industrial or service, produces a value of some form—a commodity or a use-value. Rather, what we are discussing here is not the creation of value but the creation of wealth. “Wealth” is nothing more or less than the increase in the total value in terms of commodities. As such, in some instances the creation of a use-value can consume wealth regardless of the necessity of its production.

We will use agriculture to present an example of a wealth-creating process. In order to grow a field of wheat, a farmer must first plow the field, then add any soil amendments necessary, plant seeds and use whatever protective measures throughout the year until the harvests, which he naturally labors to collect. In this example we see that labor (plowing, planting, harvesting) + commodities (fertilizers, pesticides, etc) = harvested wheat. Since the value and the amount of wheat is greater than the number of seeds sowed, this process has resulted in an increase of the overall commodity and thus has created wealth.

Now let us present an example of a wealth-consuming process using the art of cooking. Here food ingredients, energy and labor are used to result in a meal, which is then consumed. The meal has more value than the ingredients, energy or even the labor by itself—there has been an increase in value in the cooking process. However, since the labor, energy, ingredients and even the meal itself is immediately consumed, there is an overall loss in commodities. That is to say a loss of wealth—or more accurately—the wealth has been consumed.

Any economy which is based on the consumption of wealth rather than its production is doomed to collapse. What does this mean for the United States in particular, and also, how has collapse been avoided in the US thus far? Collapse is far more than a simple depression, or as the bourgeois media likes to call them these days, recessions. A collapse is no mere crisis of overproduction. Rather it is an overall systemic breakdown of the entire economy, including its base and subsequently the political superstructure associated with that economy, usually in the form of a state. To ascertain what this means for the US in particular, we must first understand that the United States, despite being a bourgeois republic with democratic formulations, is indeed an empire in the sense that it has many colonies around the world. Naturally, there are those countries that are independent on paper. However, realistically they are colonies—or to be more accurate “neo-colonies,” in that their economic and military structures are based upon close association with the US empire. Most of these neo-colonies are in Latin America, although there are neo-colonies throughout the world. There are also direct puppet states of the US, particularly Iraq and Afghanistan. These neo-colonies serve the US by providing raw materials and other wealth to be consumed by the overly large proportion of the US economy that is geared toward wealth consumption. It is, in effect, one leg of a two-legged stool that supports the US living standard. The second “leg” is the fact that the US dollar is the de-facto reserve currency used by most of the world. This has been the case since the end of the Second World War, when the Brenton Woods Agreement, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank were established. The use of the dollar as global reserve currency has much impact on the economy. Why?

To understand this, we must first know how the system prior to 1973 worked. Following WWII, the dollar was convertible into gold and gold into dollars. Given that in 1946 the US had the largest reserves of gold in the world this not only made sense, but created a whole new market for US products. Japan and Europe were in ruins and in no shape to begin mass production of wealth until well after recovery had been made. As such, in order to buy finished goods for consumption—food, fuel, clothing and all manner of other items—they to be bought from the United States (unless of course the country in question was in Eastern Europe where the primary production point was the Soviet Union, though the recovery of Eastern Europe was slower as the Soviet Union itself had to recover from the war). Given that most of the Western European countries had already spent their gold, the only other solution was to have them purchase dollars. In large part they became indebted to the US for dollars which were then used for recovery and consumption.

This system worked until the 1960s when with Western Europe and Japan fully recovered and began to pay off the debts to the US and to use whatever dollars they had left to purchase gold, causing a sharp decline in US gold reserves and weakening the currency. This recovery was made possible by the Marshal Plan, initiated by the US toward Western Europe and Japan. However, this has far more to do with the fear of the spread of communism and the Cold War than it did any benevolent intentions of the American government. By the 1960s, with gold flowing out of the US, new industrial competition such as Japan and Germany, and an imperialist war raging in Southeast Asia, the Brenton-Woods system became untenable and was starting to lead to hyperinflation. To address this concern, President Richard Nixon removed the convertibility of the dollar internationally and “allowed the currency to float” as many economists at the time put it. How was he able to do this without jeopardizing the US economy? The answer is simple: oil. Saudi Arabia and the other oil-exporting countries had decided to accept dollars for oil. Oil accounts for OPEC members are denominated in US dollars. As such, since most of the countries of the world need to import oil—including the US by 1973—the main transportation fuel commodity was bought and sold using US dollars. Even if the economy of the country in question didn’t buy a single American product, it would still need dollars to buy oil. This is partially the case with the People’s Republic of China now. By tying oil to the US dollar, a single currency became the most important reserve currency in spite of the fact that other currencies had become available: the British pound, Japanese yen, euro (after 1998) and the deutschmark (prior to 1998). The result of this was that the US needed to print dollars to finance its wealth consumption, which has been the case since the mid 1990s, with a plethora of “free trade agreements” eviscerating the US industrial sector (wealth-producing activities) if not before.

Like all two-legged stools, this one is unstable—so unstable that there has been a war and a long-term occupation of a country to maintain the status quo. One of the reasons for the Iraq War was Hussein attempting to change the Iraq oil accounts out of US dollars into euro. If Iraqi oil was suddenly available in euro, that currency could replace the US dollar as a major reserve currency. Europe continues to have industry and to produce wealth—not on the level of China per se, but in comparison to the US, Europe remains industrialized. Should Iraq, with the second-largest oil reserves in the world, start accepting both dollars and euro for oil, other OPEC countries would likewise diversify. These include Iran, with the third-largest oil reserves, and Venezuela with the fifth-largest oil reserves. Even though the US has had a primarily service economy since the early 1990s, total collapse has not occurred. Overall, the de-industrialization of the United States will result in any hopes for advancement being halted with no recovery in sight. Once collapse sets in, real estate in “suburbia” will become worthless, mounting debts from spending to keep up living standards privately will result in a flux of real assets—everything from televisions to jewelry to vegetables—being transferred from the many to the few, a process which has already started, but under collapse will accelerate. This will culminate in asset-stripping from foreclosed housing, idle industry, etc. Avoiding this will be impossible without a major overhaul of the economic and political system. What is needed is socialist transformation and re-industrialization.

Regulation of capitalism, as the so-called progressives want to do will not work; after all, all it took was a willing “conservative” administration and “conservative” Congress to destroy those regulations and we have no reason to expect that even if said regulations were restored the powers-that-be could not overturn them again given a little time.

Only by working people taking the reigns of the economy and the state can the situation be reversed and living standards restored or even advanced. Such a socialist economy must naturally realize that the basis of wealth itself is in the production of commodities. Services, while necessary, should never be the basis of any economy.

Cold War Butcher in Custody

21 Jan

CIA-trained ‘terrorist’ in US court

Margarita Morales Fernandez couldn’t be in court to see the former CIA agent who allegedly killed her father and 72 others aboard a Cuban airplane in one of the world’s worst airline attacks before September 11, 2001.

Fernandez and hundreds other victims are carefully watching the trial of former CIA operative Luis Posada Carriles in US federal court.

His 11 charges include perjury for lying to US immigration officials, but terror-related offences are not on the docket.

“It will be 34 years since the terrorist attack that killed my father, but I remember it like it was yesterday, “Fernandez told Al Jazeera in a phone interview from Havana, Cuba. “I don’t think this trial takes us closer to justice.”

Victims of terrorism

On October 6, 1976 a bomb exploded on Cubana Airlines flight 455, blowing it out of the sky and into the waters off Barbados, killing everyone on board, including Fernandez’s father, the captain of Cuba’s national fencing team.

Posada, 82, a Cuban-born Venezuelan-citizen, was considered the mastermind— a CIA-trained explosives expert who would stop at nothing in his personal vendetta against Cuban president Fidel Castro. Planned in Venezuela, the attack killed mostly Cuban nationals.

“The terrorist activities of Posada Carriles are part of the [current US court] indictment, but they are not what he is being prosecuted for,” said José Pertierra, a Cuban-born Washington lawyer who is representing Venezuela’s interests at the trial. “He is only being prosecuted for lying about them [attacks]… to an immigration judge in a naturalisation hearing.”

Venezuela jailed Posada for the bombing, but the wily operative escaped from prison disguised as a priest and eventually fled to the US, stopping in other Latin American countries along the way where he continued his anti-Castro activities. Venezuela has repeatedly called for his extradition.

“For many years, the truth has been hidden,” Fernandez said. “But I want people to learn that there are a lot of victims of terrorism in Cuba as well as in the US and other countries.”

Fury and personal vendetta

To examine the life of Luis Posada Carriles is to re-live the worst periods of the Cold War – and beyond. Angry about Cuba’s 1959 revolution, he joined CIA Brigade 2506 in February 1961 to invade the island as part of the ill-fated attack known as the Bay of Pigs, declassified documents reveal.

While Posada himself did not fight at the Bay of Pigs, CIA officials thought he was promising and he joined US army in 1963 at their behest, training at Ft. Benning, Georgia. By 1965, he was a paid CIA operative stationed in Miami.

“The CIA taught us everything,” he told The New York Times in 1998. “They taught us explosives, how to kill, bomb trained us in acts of sabotage.”

He stayed with the agency in Miami until 1967, and later became a “paid asset” in Venezuela from 1968 to 1976, according to declassified documents.

CIA- trained and well- connected

After the Cuban attack, and his escape from prison, Posada returned to the CIA’s payroll in the 1980s, supervising arms shipments to the Contras in Nicaragua as part of what became known as the Iran-Contra affair, a murky scandal where the US government funneled money from arms sales to Iran—its official enemy- to right-wing militias in Nicaragua.

His history with the CIA and other clandestine operations means that Posada “has a lot of secrets to tell and friends in high places in Washington,” Pertierra, Venezuela’s lawyer, said in an interview with Al Jazeera outside the court-house.

Cold War history and imagery loomed large during the trial. At one point, a middle-aged man wearing all black clothing, a beret, combat boots and dark glasses, who said he was a member of the Black Panther Party, the iconic 1960s black-rights militant group, walked into the court room. He left soon after, looking bored with the proceedings.

But Posada’s crimes are not just a matter for historians, as Fernandez quickly points out. “Since our father died, our family has been so sad,” she said.

His attacks continued long after the fall of the Berlin Wall. In 2000, a Panamanian court convicted him of attempting to kill Cuban president Fidel Castro with 200 pounds of dynamite. He was pardoned by the country’s outgoing president four years later and set free.

Confession

During an interview with The New York Times in 1998, Posada admitted to organising a series of hotel bombings in Cuba a year earlier, injuring 11 people and killing Italian businessman Fabio diCelmo. “We just wanted to make a big scandal so that the tourists don’t come anymore,” Posada told the newspaper. “The Italian was in the wrong place at the wrong time, but I sleep like a baby.”

Understandably after comments like this, Posada’s attorneys wouldn’t let him speak to media during the trial. The author of the New York Times piece will be called as a witness during the case. Posada has since stated that he mis-spoke in the interview because he is not fluent in English.

Posada, 82, turned up in Miami in 2005 and gave a public news conference, angering some US officials. He claims to have arrived in Miami on a bus, after sneaking into the US by crossing the Rio Grande River from Mexico. He was indicted by a Grand Jury in Texas for unlawfully entering the US in 2005, although the charges were later dismissed.

That year, Venezuela again asked for his extradition. But officials denied extradition to Venezuela or Cuba, stating that Posada could be tortured in those countries.

“The only evidence I have seen of torture in Cuba comes from the US military base at Guantanamo Bay,” Pertierra said.

Pertierra, along with officials from the Department of Homeland Security, think the claim that Posada crossed into the US through Texas is preposterous, as the illegal journey across the border is too arduous for a man in his eighties facing health problems.

“I have to ask myself, did he really cross the desert?” Gina Garrett-Jackson, a lawyer for the Department of Homeland Security, said while being questioned in the witness stand during court testimony on Tuesday.

Jackson faced cross-examination by Posada’s attorneys, who argued that she involved the Department of Justice and other branches of government in Posada’s initial immigration case in order to lay the groundwork for criminal charges related his to terrorist activity.

Mastermind of terrorist plots and attacks

Posada had initially presented a claim for political asylum in the US, before his legal team unilaterally withdrew that plan.

Jackson said Posada failed the requirements for political asylum in the US in 2005 due to his conviction for plotting the bombing in Panama and other mis-deeds.

In court, lawyers played audio recordings of the 2005 asylum hearing, when Jackson, who was working for the Department of Homeland Security, questioned Posada.

“This Cuba bombing campaign in 1997 was a very big event, would you agree?” Jackson asked.

“I don’t know, I have no opinion,” Posada responded.

A 2006 statement from the US Department of Justice states: “Luis Posada-Carriles is an admitted mastermind of terrorist plots and attacks … a flight risk … [and] a danger to the community.”

But the Justice Department’s view does not seem to be shared by other branches of the US government. The incriminating secrets Posada likely posses, tense relations between the US, Cuba and Venezuela and domestic political concerns—the anti-Castro Cuban population in Miami holds national electoral clout far beyond its numbers – mean that extradition or terrorism charges seem unlikely.

“This case illustrates the double face of the US war on terrorism,” Pertierra, who represents Venezuelan interests, said as court adjourned for lunch. “You can’t pick and choose which terrorists you prosecute and which ones you protect. You can’t have first class victims and second class victims; all victims must be mourned equally.”

Source

Briefly on “Reverse-Racism”

19 Jan

Although it is common to hear it in public discourse, particularly in regards to television and radio, the truth is that the concept of “reverse-racism” or “reverse discrimination” is at best a bogeyman erected by the corporate media and at worst a myth. Glenn Beck and company in particular have become obsessed with painting organizations like La Raza, the Nation of Islam and the Mexica Movement as “similar” or “on the same level” as groups like the Ku Klux Klan.

In fact, it would be nearly impossible to make the case (not to say it hasn’t been tried by more than a few hysterical mouthpieces) that these movements have anything in common with the tactics or beliefs of the Hitlerites. There is no fundamental comparison between the nature of the Nation of Islam and the violent nature of the Brownshirts. Unlike “white” and Eurocentric racism, “black” and “brown” racism is not inherent in the system. The NOI and other similar groups have never been institutionalized in society or received the same funding from state organs like the Klan or the Nazis; in fact these groups are mostly a reaction to white racism and chauvinism.

One approach to this question, namely the “racism is racism” angle, runs the risk of being reductionist. Whatever racism might exist within the African-American, Hispanic, Latino, Chicano, Hawaiian, etc., communities, none of them are on par with the prevalence of white racism and Eurocentrism in American society. Others detract such movements as “nationalist.” While this is true in a sense, in certain contexts (not all) nationalism can be an advanced expression of internationalism in the broader anti-imperialist struggle.

The roots, goals and ideology of groups like the NOI can be openly debated, but it would be a mistake to lump these movements emanating from historically oppressed nations and ethnic groups with the KKK or the Nazi party, whose ranks are boosted with far more sympathizers and paymasters among the actually-existing ruling layers. This is not to mention that neo-Nazi groups have been connected with far more violent and criminal activity, including political and racial murder, than any organizations or movements based on Chicano nationalism.

White TV personalities make mountains out of molehills from groups like the NOI or MM in order to whitewash true and institutionalized racism. The Mexica Movement, for example, has the intention of expelling all Europeans from the Americas through democratic means. The Mexica Movement claims a Pan-Indigenous ideology but is mostly restricted to southern California and the Chicano/Mexican-American population. Despite these facts, Glenn beck, Lou Dobbs and the Minutemen repeatedly called these groups “Nazis” and devoted entire segments of their news shows to a small group as if they were actively committing genocide against whites.

Such sensationalism has ulterior motives. By making such a small group their focus, media personalities try to paint the immigrant rights movement as a front for sedition. These same commentators have also made much of the supposed NOI-Obama links; all one heard from commentators was that since he had support from Louis Farrakhan, Obama must be an NOI sympathizer. Beck would later also claim that Obama “has a deep-seated hatred for white people.” All of this is to incite racial tension over a supposed loss of white privilege.

Indigenous or African “reverse-racism” has never been responsible for crimes on the scale of those committed by European imperialists who used racism as ex post-facto justification. We workers need to make the distinction between the justifiable resentment on the part of oppressed nations and ethnicities and the white supremacist mainstream of the US right and their liberal counterparts.

To truly combat racial prejudice, to work to build a society where people are not judged and condemned based on the color of their skin, one needs to understand that racism is a system and not merely the problem of “individual racists and bigots.” Racism, when understood in its proper context, is the ideological manifestation of colonialist oppression. It is the mind-set of white domination over colonized peoples the world over.

The very notions of race that lie underneath the naked prejudice these definitions inspire came about in the era of ever-expanding imperialism. From measures in law and culture to segregate and ascribe social statuses to those of “inferior races” to the use of these legal and ideological tools to colonize, enslave and annihilate entire populations of people, this force was always used to advance ends of capital, for if there were no such mechanism white workers and the masses of the oppressed worldwide would be more capable of standing together against their mutual oppressors.

When we divorce our understanding from racism as a system, when we liberalize and individualize this definition, when we ignore the whole history of racial oppression and confuse the attitudes of anti-colonialism for colonialist ideology itself, we make ourselves powerless to resist. It is to whitewash an oppression that has had long-lasting consequences for the political voice, economic independence and well-being of peoples the world over.So, when one wants to understand who the beneficiaries and practitioners of actual racism are, ask yourself: who holds power in this situation? When it comes to colonialism, the answer should be obvious.

Postmodern Theory: The Chains of Illusive Truth

20 Dec

In any sort of theoretical discussion, be it in the realm of history, psychology, philosophy or sociology, there is always the potential for one to engage a debate by dismissing the very validity of having a debate in the first place. Agnosticism, or the assertion that “since we cannot know everything anyway, then why even bother?” rears its ugly head in order to stifle and befuddle the participants. Postmodernism, the anti-theory that represents the heights of the degeneration of bourgeois ideology itself, exists to make such an assertion.

For the postmodernist, the search for truth in society and in its construction is destined to fail, being that there is no one “truth” but many. If we are to humor this perspective even for a moment, we are compelled to ask ourselves what, then, does this mean to one’s ability to understand and change society? If theory is to be understood as a tool, as a guide to understanding and effecting social forces, how can postmodern theory possibly help us? Does it help or inhibit struggles for the advancement of society? Can any such advancement of society even be conceived or considered in the warped, bizarre and arbitrary world of postmodernity?

From the get-go, we can see how the Philistine rejection of an objective truth grounded in material reality may hinder one in their conceptualization of society, in that there can be no consensus on any level about whether such a thing even exists within the realm of postmodern theory. Any attempt to peg down a phenomena must contend with a multiplicity of questions that seek to reject any foundation of the phenomena outside of the subjective understandings and biases of the one trying to peg it down. Now, this is all well and good in the realm of mere philosophy, where long-winded intellectualist debates about the abstract is the sole pursuit, but for the student of society itself it is a distraction from actual study. To even begin to study society, the sociologist must accept the notion that there is indeed something to study. From this point, the sociologist must continue to reject the squalkings of post-modernity and its advocates, who at every point hereafter can only present obstacles and reiterate the dogma of society as “simulacrum” and ramble about the multiplicity of “truths.” Otherwise, the sociologist would be compelled to reduce his/her work to a simple evaluation of their own perspective and biases, ultimately rendering their work to be little more than diary-writing. To do otherwise would be to pursue a truth that is un-attainable, to attempt to write a meta-narrative that is un-writable. To surrender any ground to postmodernism’s overall rejection that theory can accomplish anything in the way of understanding is to render sociological work, in the theoretical and practical sense, frivolous. It is for this reason that postmodern theory is not useful (and is, infact, quite counter-productive) for social understanding in the sociological sense.

Outside of the full-blown theoretical assault postmodernism wages against sociological understanding, the implications of the theoretical assertion that there are multiple truths serves to fetishize the perceptions of individuals over any understanding that can be arrived at collectively. The result is that postmodernists, who may not even be able to form a consensus on what their theory means, are in a sense incapable of collaboration insofar as their “truths” are brought into conflict. If “truth” is merely what one desires it to be, and not something that exists outside of the individual’s biases and perceptions of the world, then why would one bother heeding another person’s perspective for anything beyond mere amusement? In making truth a purely individual matter, the postmodernist succeeds in creating a chasm between individuals by asserting that each individual (with all of their equally valid truths) in essence, lives in their own reality defined by their own truths and lacks overarching truths that connect them to other human beings. The objective reality that we are all members of society, that we (in some way) are made to rely on one another for through a complex network of relationships that characterizes our social being, rejected for an idealist perception that each person is the author of their own reality through how they perceive that reality.

A consequence is that there seems to be little drive for collaborative work for mutually acceptable understandings of the world, leading to little drive for action on those mutually accepted understandings for the purpose of social change. Any understandings that combine shared experiences and observations cannot be said to be any better than those one dreams up on their own, so why bother working together towards that end? What is the point in building solidarity in understanding and action if the same effect, the same hollow “truths” that are no better or worse than the “truths” one arrives at after dropping acid, are the sole outcome? The answer is that there is no point. Collaborative action, which is essential for the very functioning of society and any real effort to arrive at truth, is no more productive than picking ones nose. The implications of this for postmodern theory as a tool for understandings beyond the individual, for the collaboration in understanding and action that is essential for society to exist at all and to progress, are not positive.

As if these worries weren’t enough to render postmodern theory in-actionable in a sociological sense,  postmodernism proposes many problems but no solutions. It argues against notions of centralized power, arguing that bases of power are more diverse and that power itself is imprinted on people in the form of “disciplinary power” (in the case of Michel Foucault) but doesn’t address what can be done about it, if indeed something should be done about it. Other theories make statements about the problems that emerge in society and offer some sense of how one may arrive at a solution. For Marxism, the cause of many societal ills is the exploitation inherent in capitalism and the solution is proletarian revolution. For the Weberian, the problem is with the excesses of legal rational authority and a potential (but temporary) solution is charismatic authority. What of the postmodernist following Foucault? Well, if power is so diluted and decentralized, the postmodernist certainly would have no means of challenging this power through revolutionary activity as a Marxist would, nor would they have the option of hitching their hopes upon a charismatic authority to “shake up” this power establishment. Postmodern criticisms are simply that: criticisms. They offer no guide to action, no recipe for how to resist injustice as it manifests itself in the social world. They even lack any means of articulating whether something can even be considered an injustice. Their aim is to have no aim, and this results in postmodern theory serving to inhibit and discourage action in an attempt to address societal ills. Without a meta-narrative, without a “truth” beyond one’s personal biases and perceptions, there can be no guide to action outside of what might amount to self-improvement. Power is decentralized and imprinted on ones body — what do I do if my own personal “truth” objects to being subjected to this power? Well, other than merely realize that it is happening and make efforts to deviate from discipline as my own personal “truth” sees fit, not much.

Do the Wealthy Deserve Their Wealth?

6 Oct

The main reasons for acquiring wealth in the capitalist system can be summed up as the following:

     

  • Inheritance
  • Luck
  • Knowing the right people
  • Less-than-legal activity
  • State aid
  • Gambling with stocks
  • Exploiting their niche in the market
  • Self-employment; having private access to the means of production
  • Illegitimate jobs (e.g. Glenn Beck, heiress, celebrity, etc.)
  • Born into wealth
  • Serving the bourgeoisie’s interests as a puppet
  • Corporate welfare
  • Drug market
  • Bourgeois parasitism
  • Windfall gains and windfall profits
  • Imperialism
  • Socialism for the rich, capitalism for the poor
  • Exploitation

Between 50% to 70% of wealth is inherited, according to Lester Thurow (1). United for a Fair Economy studied the Forbes 400 List and discovered 42% were born with enough money to put them on the list, and 27% were born with slightly more “average” amounts of wealth than the other percentage of those on the list (2).

If someone has a greater amount of money than the average working member of society, they can invest their wealth into acquiring more. These people are able to sustain themselves by having workers sell themselves as commodities in order to produce for them. The workers do not retain access to the means of production, do not often have a democratic working environment and are robbed of surplus value that is produced by them and that rightfully belongs to them; it is in this way profits in capitalism are a form of exploitation. Even those who “worked” for their wealth often end up in the same place of idleness and spend most of their time attempting to keep up with the Joneses and expand their obscene assets to even greater imperial heights. Essentially, the rich get richer and the poor get poorer; the rich make wars and the working class are the ones who pay for the results. Critics claim socialism would make people lazy when capitalism however creates situations in which the goal is to become wealthy so as never to work and only to exploit.

There shall be no wealthy bourgeoisie in socialist society because profits are put straight into the hands of the people. Marxist-Leninists do not claim all those with wealth are evil, but we do claim that none of them truly “deserve” their wealth or make good use of their wealth, and that there is no “right” to exploitation or private ownership of the means of producing the essential goods of life.

Works Cited:

1) http://mlncn.com/lib/rev/generatinginequality/index.html

2) http://www.faireconomy.org/press_room/1997/born_on_third_base_sources_of_wealth_of_1997_forbes_400

The Myth of Capitalist Democracy

27 Jul

Capitalist “democracies” always pride themselves on how democratic their systems are, being that despite any blatant differences in economic power or existing societal prejudices based around race, gender, sexuality or nationality, the system is fair and just because of its elections. “One man, one vote” is the democratic principle that ensures that “the will of the people” is what decides electoral outcomes. Yet, when we peel back capitalism’s star-spangled “fair and equal” wrapper, what we see is anything but fair and equal.

The Fabrication of Consent

Have you ever heard someone say, “If you don’t vote, don’t complain?” The idea behind this statement is that if you don’t participate in the electoral process, don’t cast your ballot for one politician or another, your opinion is rendered invalid because your failure to cast a vote implies that you are okay with whoever “the country” picks. However, even if you vote for the loser of an election, you still demonstrate consent for the process by legitimizing it enough to cast a ballot. Upon closer inspection, this would seem oddly anti-democratic, being that “consent of the governed” is interpreted whether the governed consent or not. The capitalists would argue that everyone who does or doesn’t vote in elections, even though there are millions who cannot vote due to incarceration, immigration status, age and even those who, for one bureaucratic reason or another, cannot prove their residency to vote. This “no means yes” mentality of the bourgeoisie concludes that the proletariat, voter or non-voter, consents to domination by the bourgeoisie and their lieutenants in government and at the heads of the leading capitalist parties. Is there even the slightest hint of “democracy” in a system where merely existing means that the powers which dominate your political and economic destiny need only be considered legitimate by their own absurd standard?

Hegemony: Might Means Legitimacy

Just how is it that this “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” interpretation of consent is allowed in a political system that prides itself on being “democratic?” The answer is that the legitimacy of the powers-that-be in capitalism, the capitalists and their confederates, is manufactured by these social actors themselves. For this phenomenon of the powerful asserting themselves as just and legitimate, the Italian communist revolutionary Antonio Gramsci coined the term “hegemony.” Hegemonic actors in society wield their power in a way that makes those subjected to that power “see things their way.” To advance and enforce this hegemony, hegemonic actors wield power in three ways: violent action, controlling debate, and suppressing dissent.

State Violence and its Limitations

The first and most obvious dimension of capitalist domination is violent repression. If a person takes action against the capitalist state, they risk being beaten down, locked in prison, tortured or murdered by the agents of state repression (the police and military forces) and otherwise risk being physically constrained or damaged. This overt exercise of power, while the most acute in defending the interests of the dominator over the dominated, has certain limitations. Michel Foucault, one-time communist turned postmodern critic, pointed out in his book “Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison” how a modern system of incarceration had to emerge because constant violent reinforcement of state power, in the form of grisly tortures and public executions, would often backfire and lead to rebellion as sympathetic bystanders responded to state violence with violence of their own. The capitalist class, like the feudal lords and monarchic powers before them, had to learn the hard way that brute force alone wasn’t enough to keep them in power. In the era of Enlightenment ideas, those capitalists who professed their system to be the most democratic form of governance possible needed a means of not only enforcing their “legitimacy,” but by creating it in the minds of the proletariat.

Media: Dominance Over Discourse, Suppression of Discontent

It has become a favorite past-time of politicians on both sides of the isle to attack the media during their campaigns. Republicans in particular are adamant about the so-called “liberal media” that takes racist gaffes and blatant corporatism “out of context.” Liberals use the same line against overtly reactionary news sources such as Fox News and The Drudge Report. Yet, when we step out of the realm of Democrat versus Republican, it is clear that all of these media entities are subjected to the whims of capital. News outlets, think-tanks, and other representatives of capitalist punditry all owe their resources to private hands. The same corporations are behind most of the various news channels, newspapers and radio stations, wherein we hear out “the political debate” preceding every election. The obvious consequence of the news and platforms for political discourse being in private hands is that private owners interests decide what is newsworthy and what is not, what opinions are credible and what opinions are not.

So, when a panelist on a political debate show is chosen, the Harvard professor or the corporate spokesperson championing a “mainstream perspective” will be preferred to a worker, a “radical,” or someone else who isn’t perceived as being credible by those with power. The major news outlets have even been reduced to covering the Twitter updates of prominent figures rather than engaging in journalistic street work or, heaven forbid, talking to someone who isn’t in the tank for capitalist domination. Furthermore, the pursuit of “juicy stories” leads these private news agencies to spending more of their time covering celebrity scandal than actual news, being that garden variety tabloid-fluff is more profitable than informing the public. When the intellectual means of production are in private hands, both political discourse and insight into contemporary social reality are under the lock and key of capitalist hegemony.

Conclusion: Democracy for Who?

The next time someone tells you that the United States of America constitutes a “democratic” society, ask them “for whom?” When consent is implied no matter what action is taken, and when political debate and availability of information is under the ideological enforcement of bourgeois business owners, what is it that makes this system legitimate? What force serves to maintain the hegemony of the capitalists and their political cohorts? The answer is ultimately capital. Just as the bourgeoisie are in control of one’s economic destiny when they own the means of material production, the bourgeoisie are also able to sculpt one’s political and ideological constraints by domination over the intellectual means of production. Using this, they manufacture the legitimacy of their empire where there is none.

Capitalism is a democracy for the owners of capital, who are able to use their funds and influence to buy politicians and media outlets, to compete in a political “free market” for hegemony. For the rest of us, capitalism is the anti-democratic dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and must be replaced by a dictatorship of the proletariat, in order for democracy to be realized by the laboring masses.

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